What does 5.8 billion dollars buy? Seriously. What does it buy? A ticket to Mars? A professional sports team? An absurd
number of fast food hamburgers? In the end, there is a lot you could do with
fifty-eight forklift pallets of Benjamin Franklins, but there is one thing 5.8
billion dollars is guaranteed to buy this year: a heck of a lot of political
advertising.
In total, 2012’s US federal elections
are set to be the most expensive in history with an expected 5.8 billion spent
on rallies, registration drives, and advertisements to sway voters. While this
only represents a modest seven percent increase over 2008’s 5.4 billion
[1], the thing that makes the money in this year’s election so
significant is the way in which it is
being channeled. Besides personal war-chests and national party support,
independent groups are dumping mountains of cash behind candidates. These
“Super PACs” and “social welfare organizations” fly by innocuous names (e.g.
“Americans for Prosperity”) but have shown their clout by dropping a deluge of
negative advertising on their opponents. As a voter, I wanted to learn more
about how these organizations came to be, where the mass of funding is coming
from, and if their actions are developing a more bitter and polarized campaign.
Although Super PACs have only become an influential force in the last two election cycles, PACs (Political Action Committees) have been a part of campaign financing for the last sixty-five years. Originally conceptualized as a convenient way for organizations to donate to political campaigns, PAC’s allow businesses, unions, and other groups to pool money from members and make modest, limited donations to political candidates and the national parties [2]. However, this line began to blur in the 2000’s when questions were raised about groups who wanted to spend money advertising for political ideas, but do so independently of any official campaign. These organizations, known as “527s” (named after the section of the tax code which makes them exempt under non-profit status), culminated with the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, who were able to spend as much as they pleased in the 2004 presidential race questioning John Kerry’s morals and leadership ability. An FEC (Federal Election Commission) ruling limited such groups strictly to “issue advocacy” after the race and forbade them from openly criticizing or praising a specific candidate [3], but the laws on independent spending took a drastic shift in 2010 when the Supreme Court ruled on Citizens United v. FEC. This decision overturned two previous verdicts and a federal law by declaring that corporations and businesses have the same speech rights as individuals, and can spend unlimited amounts on election material as long as it isn’t connected to a campaign [4]. A subsequent ruling, Speechnow v. FEC, and an Appellate Court decision, American Tradition Partnership v. Bullock, extended these privileges specifically to individuals and cleared out any laws on pooled independent spending at the state level[5][6]. Thus, Super PACs were born and now raise unlimited funds to broadcast their opinions on candidates for office.
Although Super PACs have only become an influential force in the last two election cycles, PACs (Political Action Committees) have been a part of campaign financing for the last sixty-five years. Originally conceptualized as a convenient way for organizations to donate to political campaigns, PAC’s allow businesses, unions, and other groups to pool money from members and make modest, limited donations to political candidates and the national parties [2]. However, this line began to blur in the 2000’s when questions were raised about groups who wanted to spend money advertising for political ideas, but do so independently of any official campaign. These organizations, known as “527s” (named after the section of the tax code which makes them exempt under non-profit status), culminated with the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, who were able to spend as much as they pleased in the 2004 presidential race questioning John Kerry’s morals and leadership ability. An FEC (Federal Election Commission) ruling limited such groups strictly to “issue advocacy” after the race and forbade them from openly criticizing or praising a specific candidate [3], but the laws on independent spending took a drastic shift in 2010 when the Supreme Court ruled on Citizens United v. FEC. This decision overturned two previous verdicts and a federal law by declaring that corporations and businesses have the same speech rights as individuals, and can spend unlimited amounts on election material as long as it isn’t connected to a campaign [4]. A subsequent ruling, Speechnow v. FEC, and an Appellate Court decision, American Tradition Partnership v. Bullock, extended these privileges specifically to individuals and cleared out any laws on pooled independent spending at the state level[5][6]. Thus, Super PACs were born and now raise unlimited funds to broadcast their opinions on candidates for office.
With Super PACs supporting both
Republican and Democratic candidates, the question is raised of where the money
is coming from. While 2.5 million people across the country have made small
donations this cycle ($200 or less), this makes up only 18% of total
contributions, and almost all Super PAC funding is coming from mega-donors
[8]. The top 20 givers (liberal and conservative combined) have pooled
over $120 million so far, and have the power to give more [10]. In
addition, if donors wish to remain anonymous in their contributions (something
that is almost never allowed in typical campaign spending) many Super PACs also
sponsor 527s of the type discussed earlier. These branches are still restricted
to issue advocacy only (which translates today into bashing an opponent’s
policy), but are allowed to go without disclosing the origins of their funding
until after the election [10]. All told, the three largest Super PACs
are expected to generate $410 million by election’s end [7].
Although there has been little
statistical evidence gathered on the effects Super PAC cash in the 2012 race so
far, they frequently engage in tactics which are associated with polarization.
First off, in their examination of Richard Nixon’s divisive rhetoric in the
1970 midterm race, Andrew King and Floyd Anderson identify attacking an
opponent’s ethos (their beliefs and
character) as an essential piece of polarizing strategy [11]. For example,
the assault on ethos in the presidential race this cycle has essentially been
the Super PAC supporting President Obama claiming former Gov. Romney is callous
and out of touch with ordinary Americans, while Romney’s allies paint President
Obama as a failure and a big government demagogue. This strategy inadvertently lends
itself to a “we vs. them” mentality, an idea discussed by Richard Raum and
James Measell in their analysis of the speech techniques of Gov. George Wallace
in the 1970’s [12]. In short, one ideology is portrayed as entirely
good, anybody who believes the opposite is entirely bad, and moderates left in
the middle are to be converted. One particularly powerful conservative Super
PAC, American Crossroads, utilized this concept early when it hammered
Democratic and moderate Republican House and Senate candidates in the 2010
midterms for any support of the President’s policies. Finally, a theme frequently
used in Super PAC advertising is fear. At the presidential level, conservative
outside spenders try to make people associate their uncertainty about the economy
with the president, and convince them the conservative ideology is the only
possible way to return to prosperity. In the end, the ultimate authority on the
issue of polarizing rhetoric from Super PACs comes from our class’ interview
with Dr. Roderick Hart (Dean of the College of Communication at the University
of Texas at Austin, and in general a real smart cookie) in which he specifically
called Super PACs’ negative advertising, “a tremendous source of this rhetoric
of hate.” [13] (The full interview can be found on our blog.)
After looking into the origins, funding,
and tactics of Super PACs, it is clear they have added a drastic new dynamic to
campaigning that has been seen in no other period of American history. Whatever
may become of them in future elections, these organizations are operating with
force in 2012, and stand ready to throw a dash of vinegar into an already sour political
atmosphere. So again, what does 5.8 billion dollars buy? Personally, I'd
take the hamburgers.
Examples of Super PAC Ads.
References
1. "2012
Election Will Be Costliest Yet, With Outside Spending a Wild Card." -
OpenSecrets Blog. Center for Responsive Politics, 1 Aug. 2012. Web. 29
Sept. 2012.
<http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2012/08/2012-election-will-be-costliest-yet.html>.
2. "What
Is a PAC?" OpenSecrets.org: Money in Politics. Center for
Responsive Politics, n.d. Web. 27 Sept. 2012.
<http://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/pacfaq.php>.
3.
York., Michael Luo; Kate Zernike Contributed
Reporting From New. "Ready to Attack Obama, If Some Money Arrives." The
New York Times. The New York Times, 21 June 2008. Web. 27 Sept. 2012.
<http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/21/us/politics/21ads.html?_r=1>.
4.
Sullivan, Kristin, and Terrance Adams. SUMMARY
OF CITIZENS UNITED V. FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION. N.p.: n.p., n.d. SUMMARY
OF CITIZENS UNITED V. FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION. State of Conecticut, 2
Mar. 2010. Web. 27 Sept. 2012.
<http://www.cga.ct.gov/2010/rpt/2010-R-0124.htm>.
5.
Weiner, Rachel. "Supreme Court’s Montana
Decision Strengthens Citizens United." Washington Post. The
Washington Post, 25 June 2012. Web. 27 Sept. 2012.
6.
United States Of America. Federal Election
Commission. Speechnow.org v. FEC Keating v. FEC Case Summary. Federal
Election Commission, n.d. Web. 26 Sept. 2012. <Speechnow.org v. FEC Keating
v. FEC Case Summary>.
7.
Crowley, Michael. "Karl Rove's
Return." Time 13 Aug. 2012: 36-40.
8.
Vogel, Kenneth P. "Election 2012: The Myth
of the Small Donor." POLITICO. N.p., 8 July 2012. Web. 27 Sept.
2012. <http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0812/79421.html>.
9.
Hirschkorn, Phil. "Top Super PAC Donors
Giving Multimillions in 2012." CBSNews. CBS Interactive, 24 Sept.
2012. Web. 29 Sept. 2012.
<http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-250_162-57519344/top-super-pac-donors-giving-multimillions-in-2012/?pageNum=1>.
10. Avlon,
John. "Will Republicans' Vast Super-PAC-Money Advantage Swing the
Election?" The Daily Beast. Newsweek/Daily Beast, 05 Sept. 2012.
Web. 27 Sept. 2012.
<http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/09/05/will-republicans-vast-super-pac-money-advantage-swing-the-election.html>.
11. King,
Andrew A., and Floyd D. Anderson. Nixon, Agnew, and the "Silent
Majority": A Case Study in the Rhetoric of Polarization. Fall 1971.
Essay.
12. Raum,
Richard D., and James S. Measell. "Wallace and His Ways: A Study of the
Rhetorical Genre of Polarization." Central States Speech Journal 25
(1974): 28-35.
13. Dr. Roderick Hart. Tape recording interview. Dr. Damien Pfister. 11 Sept. 2012.
Video Used
1. Crossroads
GPS: Obama's Promise. Www.youtube.com/Crossroads GPS: Obama's Promise.
American Crossroads, 16 May 2012. Web. 27 Oct. 2012.
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NT8xAlxKV-w>.
2. Priorities
USA Action: "Briefcase" 2012. Ad. Www.youtube.com/Priorities
USA Action: "Briefcase" Priorities USA Action, 28 June 2012. Web.
29 Sept. 2012. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6uMlsQ9HiFo>.
3. Crossroads
GPS "Thanks Harry" Ad. 2012. Comercial. Www.youtube.com/Crossroads
GPS "Thanks Harry" Ad. Crossroads GPS, 19 Aug. 2012. Web. 29
Sept. 2012. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NmGfdA2-wB0>.
4. Crossroads
GPS: "Basketball" 2012. Ad. Www.youtube.com/Crossroads GPS:
"Basketball" Crossroads GPS, 22 May 2012. Web. 29 Sept. 2012.
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PdIKr_zX7FE>.
Your post was very interesting to read. You helped really characterize Super PACs for me, what I previously only understood in the most general sense. The judicial and specific campaign history of Super PACs was, I thought, especially compelling. It gets me thinking about where, specifically, our system might be lacking in terms of campaign funding regulation. It's definitely intriguing to watch those videos after reading your post, considering the, often self-interested, corporate or personal forces behind the divisive rhetoric. As a side note, I thought you wrote extremely well and made a great rhetorical (and professional/ethical) choice, citing so many different valuable sources.
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